Oh, You can’t get me, I’m part of the Union. So ran the catchy refrain. As the music won’t go away, maybe I can start the exorcism process by blogging about the topic which started off the head music.
I’m referring to press accounts of the struggles in Scotland over the Nation’s status as part of the United Kingdom, and by inference of the European Union.
War cries and slogans play their part in battle. They are used to rally the troops. At the same time they postpone discussion and reflection, secondary enemies of those calling for direct action. [Example ‘what do we want? Stop the war. When do we want it, now’. ]
Take two items of news this week
According to the Scotsman, Christine Graham, a member of the Scottish Parliament
[H]as lodged a motion in Parliament calling for Berwick-upon-Tweed to return to “Scottish nationhood”. An unofficial vote is taking place in the town asking if locals want to switch from England to being part of Scotland. The Northumberland town, just a mile from the Border, changed hands between the two countries at least 13 times between 1296 and 1482…Christine Grahame has now lodged a motion at Holyrood urging people in Berwick to “return to the fold”.
The second item refers to a fulfillment of an election pledge by the Scottish Nationalists. Fees to pass across the bridges in and out of Scotland have been abolished.
Over twenty years ago, the young representative of Dunfermline East described the tolls in the Westminster Parliament as “excessive and unreasonable.” The tolls remained. The MP went on to become Prime Minister, committed to the protection of the United Kingdom, and the implications of the act of Union between England and Scotland.
The complex consequences of simple actions
Politically, the removal of bridge fees may appear a relatively simple act. Switching the national status of Berwick rather more complex. But even the simpler decision comes with concealed complexities. Accoding to the BBC
It has taken almost five years for Scotland to become toll free since plans were first put in place to abolish the charge on the Skye bridge …It has not been a cheap decision. Traffic crossing the Forth brought in £225m during 2007 and that money must be found by the Scottish Government …It cost £19.7m to build the Forth bridge, which included a £14.6m loan from central government. By the time loan repayments started in 1984, £7m of interest had been accumulated.
So who should pay what to balance the books? There’s no simple resolution here, as economics, politics, and national rights become thoroughly mixed together.
The Battle for Berwick
Then there’s the battle for Berwick. Scotsman readers appear to be mainly indifferent. The complications emerge when we consider the various levels of authority impacting on the town and region. To introduce legislation will require resolution of a tangled knot of local, regional, and national rights and responsibilities.
The Tangled Knot
As one bright student put it
It is the desire to dodge a situation in which Scotland gains its independence from the UK only to lose it to a European super-state which has led the [SNP: Scottish Nationalist Party] to oppose the strengthening of the European Parliament, the embodiment of EU supranationalism. Put simply, the European Parliament needs a European demos [a level of administrative control] if it is to become a site of democratic decision-making. But the SNP sees a Scottish demos as necessary for its existence. These two forces are irreconcilable.
Scotland seems to be creating an ethos if not a demos around consideration for individual rights and needs. The dilemma for its political leaders is how to convert popular causes into realistic actions. The current delicate balance of power in the Scottish Parliament makes this particularly difficult.